Two Telecom Bills Form a United Front Against Discrimination

By Art Brodsky on May 13, 2008 - 1:38pm

House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers, Jr., (D-MI) and Internet stalwart Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), have added another element to the debate about how to ensure a free and open Internet.

Last week, they introduced legislation H.R. 5994, the “Internet Freedom and Nondiscrimination Act of 2008.” This bill provides a nice complement to HR 5353, the “Internet Freedom Preservation Act of 2008,” introduced by House Telecom Subcommittee Chairman Ed Markey (D-MA) and Rep. Chip Pickering (R-MS).

As so often happens in Congress, legislation tends to track jurisdiction. In real terms, a member of the House Judiciary Committee, looking at a telecom issue, will introduce a bill over which that committee has jurisdiction. The Conyers-Lofgren bill would subject Net Neutrality violations to the possibility of an antitrust suit – a subject area over which the Judiciary Committee has jurisdiction.

The Markey bill, by contrast, takes its authority from the Communications Act, which happens to be under the jurisdiction of the Energy and Commerce Committee. Markey’s bill add to the catch-all Title I of the Communications Act the principles of the Federal Communications Commission’s policy statement on the Internet, and non-discrimination language of the Act designed to apply to the telephone network as it was before the Commission decided that high-speed Internet services didn’t have the “burden” of carrying everyone’s traffic without interference, that is, as “common carriers.”

These two bills are not mutually exclusive. The Communications Act has existed since 1934 governing how the telecom markets in this country would function, for better or worse. For years, the FCC regulated the telephone industry, overseeing rates and subsidies, equipment and related issues. It was under the antitrust laws that the old Bell System was broken up into what were in 1984 seven Regional Bell companies and the long-distance AT&T. It was also under the auspices of the antitrust laws, thanks to Clinton Administration appointee Joel Klein, that the Bell System began to put itself back together when the Justice Department allowed Bell Atlantic to merge with Nynex in 1997.

The two laws, and two agencies (three if you count the Federal Trade Commission, which occasionally deals with mergers) have different standards to uphold. The Justice Department analyzes the effect of a company’s behavior, or a business deal, on how competition might be affected. The FCC has a broader “public interest” standard to uphold.

One more recent example is the newly reconstituted AT&T’s takeover of BellSouth. The Justice Department issued its relatively perfunctory statement approving the merger on competition grounds. The FCC, on the other hand, was able to impose some wider-ranging conditions, including a two-year term for Net Neutrality.

Even now, DoJ has approved the merger of XM Satellite Radio with Sirius Satellite Radio, while the FCC is contemplating what conditions to impose on the transaction.

In the Net Neutrality context, the Conyers-Lofgren legislation would provide a powerful weapon to be wielded not only against telephone companies, but also against cable companies. Under the antitrust bill, it would be illegal for any provider of broadband services “to fail to provide its broadband network services on reasonable and nondiscriminatory terms and conditions such that any person can offer or provide content, applications, or services to or over the network in a manner that is at least equal to the manner in which the provider or its affiliates offer content, applications, and services, free of any surcharge on the basis of the content, application, or service.”

For some reason, word has circulated on the Internets that the Conyers bill would require network operators to provide services for free – as in not charge for quality of service or other features. That’s not the case. The bill only says there can be no “surcharge” – the telephone or cable company can’t levy an extra charge to a non-affiliated company for the same service.

Markey’s bill takes a much wider view of broadband policy, saying that it is official government policy “to safeguard the open marketplace of ideas on the Internet by adopting and enforcing baseline protections to guard against unreasonable discriminatory favoritism for, or degradation of, content by network operators based upon its source, ownership, or destination on the Internet.” The bill would also direct the FCC to conduct proceedings to study the state of broadband services in the U.S.

At a May 6 hearing on the Markey bill, witnesses such as Shoebuy CEO Scott Savitz, Hollywood producer Steve Peterman and Free Press’s Ben Scott all pressed the idea that an open Internet provides economic opportunity, while the Christian Coalition’s Michele Combs said that Net Neutrality protects free speech.

Markey made it clear that enforcing Net Neutrality is a different issue from protecting illegal content online. “This whole idea that this legislation helps piracy is 100 percent wrong,” Markey told Mitch Bainwol, president of the Recording Industry Association of America. Markey said the point of the bill was to prevent network operators, like the telephone and cable companies, from using excuses such as “network management” to discriminate in their provision of service. He said the Bell System made the same excuses years ago when it tried to prevent non-Bell telephones from being used, with Ma Bell claiming that outside devices could bring down the network.

These bills all parts of enforcement of Net Neutrality and the preservation of an open Internet. In the unlikely occurrence that they, or something like them, are passed, then consumers, competitors or the government would have that many more tools to try to make certain the broadband carriers work in a pro-competitive way, in the public interest.

The key language in H.R.

The key language in H.R. 5994 is:

If a broadband network provider prioritizes or offers enhanced quality of service to data of a particular type, it must prioritize or offer enhanced quality of service to all data of that type (regardless of the origin or ownership of such data) without imposing a surcharge or other consideration for such prioritization or enhanced quality of service.

Opponents of net neutrality, like George Ou, somehow interpret this language to act as a flat out ban on tiered pricing for different levels of quality of service, by forcing the bundling of “data type” and “service quality” which then prevents unbundled access to either. Ou apparently misinterprets the surcharge prohibition to apply to all levels of service quality, rather than within a particular level to prevent undue discrimination against sources of the same data type. See:

http://www.formortals.com/Home/tabid/36/EntryID/34/Default.aspx

Clearly, the language does not force bundling, nor does it ban tiered pricing for differentiated levels of service quality. Instead, the operative terms are “prioritized for a particular data type”, as in a “fast lane” designed in a back room deal with RIAA, MPAA and Hulu - under the language, any content provider of the same “data type” that wants access to the fast lane presumably gets it without extra charges or discriminatory TOS designed to keep it out.

In this context, the bill does accomodate for the provision of “bundling”, but it’s “open bundling” rather than “closed bundling” by virture of neutral access by data type from any source. (Another potential problem is to avoid “prioritization” - instead, degrading selected service quality to a slow bus lane from a given base, then bundle content with the residual “fast lane” - to get around making the bundle “neutrally accessible” under the language.)

However, the bill does not account for substantial differences in the size of content providers of the requisite “data type”, i.e, many smaller content providers want and need the exposure of the fast lane, but do not need and cannot afford the large minimums of bandwidth and GBs that will surely be tied as part of the “prioritized service quality” to the “data types” of the major players who are in the fast lane - all perfectly “neutral”, just conveniently prohibitively expensive. (Unless perhaps, H.R. 5353 addresses this problem)

What are their choices? Normally, many would seek the same or slightly lower bandwidth speed with lesser GBs in order to compete in the fast lane, but there will be strong incentives to withdraw such service and force these players into a much slower “bus lane” by creating a wide gap between the highest speeds and GBs available and the next lowest amounts - all “neutrally available” - the problem becomes what’s no longer available at all.

As Markey has said publicly, the best version of net neutrality is simply to unbundle content from the underlying physical broadband service across the board, which is close to what exists today albeit in a fragile state, where a “faster lane” is simply a higher bandwidth tier for a wide range of unbundled data that flows over it.

Political pressure from strong, concentrated, well financed interests against the widely dispersed base of content producers and consumers has resulted in two mild bills on net neutrality far removed from Markey’s unbundled standard.

In the case of H.R. 5994 as written, a version of “neutral” bundling has resulted that could inadvertently undermine much of the existing net neutrality that exists today. Language needs to be added that anticipates fast lanes with large minimums of bandwidth and GBs, to assure that smaller players of the same “data type” either have access to the fast lanes on some proportionate basis or conversely, cannot be barred entry via disproportionate minimums.

Thanks for the update,

Thanks for the update, Art.

I really like the point that DoJ and FCC enforcement are logistically compatible, as shown by the history of telephone regulation. Last Congress, many were rebutting proposals for FCC enforcement with the suggestion that this was really an antitrust issue. Of course, as you point out, it is both.

I hope enough of us call our congressional offices to prove you wrong regarding the bills’ odds of passage.